(3 April 1903 – 29 October 1988)
Kamla Devi Chattopadhyay
I
came out late 1933 just when the Congress was assembling in Bombay. There was
only two events that i considered of note at that session: Gandhiji's dramatic
announcement that he was going to resign from the congress membership and he
was leaving Sabarmati Ashram vowing to return there only after Swaraj came.
Though Swaraj did come, to him it was a shattered one, and he never did go back
again. The other was a resolution to demand a Constituent Assembly for framing
the future National Constitution for India.
At
this period Marxism was in the air. Some practical reality to it had been
provided by the triumphant rise of Soviet Russia overcoming the combined
onslaught of the capitalist countries. This had been capped by Pandit Nehru's
account of this trip to the new Workers Republic. Communism was yet a ripple in
the vast mass of India. One also felt the need for a more precise objective of
freedom in clearer pragmatic terms. True Gandhiji had outlined the Swaraj of
his dream, which was however far from our practising goals, nor was our
immediate path marked by such typical landmarks as he indicated.
In
this context Marxism seemed to provide the precise and clear cut economic and
social analysis, the idea of an integrated classless society, to a
feudal-stricken, caste - ridden country. To the youth it held keen allure.
When
I came out of prison the Socialist Party had already beed formed. It is said to
have emerged in the prison cells with Jayaprakash, Minoo Masani, Yusuf
Meharally, etc. Later Narendra Dev, Purshoottam Tricumdas and other
intellectuals joined, as also large numbers of young people who were excited by
Marxism, and eager for action. Before the first Socialist conference, Minoo
Masani as Party Secretry, discussed the proposed move with Pandit Nehru who
recorded in a letter his pleasure that a Socialist group would function in the
Congress and influence the ideology of that body and country. Neharu's reaction
was sought as in his political writings Nehru depicted the Indian struggle in a
world perspective, stressing the clash of class interests as part of a global
phenomenon. But at no stage did he instigate, encourage or support the party as
such nor did the party seek his patronage.
The
Socialist Party declared its ideology as Marxist which would determine its
programme so as to fulfill its task. At the same time it made it clear that the
party as such did not represent any single class. On the country it would unite
on its platform all anti-imperialist elements to overthrow it and establish
real Swaraj. It acknowledge the National Congress as the rightful vehicle of
the Indian people's freedom struggle and therefore to stay within it.
The
task within the Congress would be to help prepare the congress for mass
struggle. To ensure this, membership of the congress was made obligatory for
anyone who wished to join the party, which was now appropriately titled the
Congress Socialist Party. The members were also enjoined to show respect to the
national leaders and maintain good relations with them.
Unexpectedly
enough Gandhiji welcomed the Party within the Congress wanting to bring various
streams of thought into the broad national movement. He however expressed that
class was not the right path. I could assume thar this was an expression of his
acceptance of our bona-fides whatever the ideological differences may be with
his habitual liberalism.
With
the elder leaders who called themselves Gandhi-ites' it was a different story.
They took the formation of the Socialist Party as a challenge to Gandhiji's
leadership and therefore his ideas. They passed a resolution in two successive
working committee meetings, dissociating the congress from class war,
appropriation of private property and the like, as these posed a threat to
non-violence.
I
Joined the Party and settled down in Mangalore where in the rural areas I could
create base for sound grass-root work and organise social and economic group
for full participation in community service. The Seva Dal was still under a
ban, do its activities were at a standstill, and I could give undivided
attention to this.
Labour
and peasant unions were unknown in my region at the time. I could concentrate
more effectively on the former though industrial and processing establishment
were small. A number of unions were soon humming through the districts.
The
Worker's Unions lent a piquancy to the situation, particularly in the
women-labour unions. The districts had large concentrations of women labour,
cashew nut and coffee curing. Very Soon a crisis rose in the cashew nut
factories. The product were all for export and greatest emphasis was on the
neat, clean look of each nut. For this, the thin skin clinging to the nut used
to be scraped out by the workers with their nails. This naturally bruised the
fingers. Repeated request for extra sharp knives were ignored. So a strike was
called. It was quite an event and stirred up the entire district, especially
women, whose sympathies were roused. This was my first taste of conducting a
labour strike and prove quite an experience. We had however a resounding
victory.
The
Socialist Party grew rapidly, attracting the younger elements from all walks of
life, also some maturer ones. A fresh spirit seemed injected into our otherwise
humdrum life, since Satyagraha had been called off by Gandhiji after his
release in 1933, after which the ban on the congress had been lifted. The
political tempo had therefore been a low key.
In
1936 Pandit Nehru took over as Congress President. This created great
expectations among the youth. It was also hoped that the working relations
between the Congress and the Congress Socialist Party would become congenial.
This hope was accentuated when Pandit Nehru took three members of the Socialist
Party into his working committee, which seemed like a break through, a concrete
sign that socialist were acceptable, not just tolerated. They were Shri
Jayaprakash Narayan, Acharya Narendra Dev and Achyuth Patwardhan. Apart from
this gesture, Panditji had not indicated any further leanings towards, or
visible sympathy with the Socialist Party.
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