Friday, 10 February 2017

Why did Mountbatten fix August 15 as I-Day?

Why did Mountbatten fix August 15 as I-Day?

Rajindar Sachar

In an article in The Tribune recently, Natwar Singh had suggested that Mahatma Gandhi approved of the Partition plan. This is factually incorrect. Socialist leader
Ram Manohar Lohia's book Guilty Men of India's Partition gives a factual position. Lohia was present in the final CWC meeting in which the Partition plan was accepted.

SOME people have attributed the Congress acceptance of Partition of India in 1947 to “the persuasive voice of Gandhiji which made the working committee accept the Partition and which but for Gandhiji's intervention, the working committee might not have approved”. This is grossly unfair and presents a wrong picture of the final efforts by made by Gandhiji to prevent Partition up to the final stages. 

It is now well-known that when Jinnah was insistent, Gandhiji made a last desperate attempt by asking JawaharlalNehru and Sardar Patel to step aside and let Jinnah be the first Prime Minister of undivided India. He should form his ministry the way he liked, including the choice to have only Muslims league Ministers in the Central Cabinet, with the assurance that the Congress will not object. One cannot say what Jinnah's reactions would have been. But considering that Jinnah is on record on insisting that his house in Mumbai / Delhi be not declared evacuee property because he wished to have good Indo-Pak relations and would like to spend one month every year in India, it would have been worthwhile trying. 

This could not be concretised because both Nehru and Patel were forthright in rejecting this proposal. So for many of us who were adults then this reference to Gandhiji's acceptance of Partition is painful and does not represent the factual position. A reference to socialist leader Dr Ram Manohar Lohia's, book Guilty Men of India's Partition, gives the correct factual position. Lohia was present in that final Congress Working Committee meeting. Lohia, who along with Jaiprakash Narain attended that meeting, has written: “I should like especially to bring out two points that Gandhiji made at this meeting. He turned to Mr Nehru and Sardar Patel in mild complaint that they had not informed him of the scheme of Partition, before committing themselves to it. Before Gandhiji could make out his point fully, Nehru intervened with some passion to say that he had kept him fully informed. On Mahatma Gandhi's repeating that he did not know of the scheme of Partition, Nehru slightly altered his earlier observation. He said that Noakhali was so far away and that, while he may not have described the details of the scheme he had broadly written of the Partition to Gandhiji.......I will accept Mahatma Gandhi's version of the case, and not Nehru's and who will not? One does not have to dismiss Nehru as a liar. All that is at issue here is whether Mahatma Gandhi knew of the scheme of Partition before Nehru and Patel had committed themselves to it. It would not do for Nehru to publish vague letters which he might have written to Mahatma Gandhi, doling out hypothetical and insubstantial information. There was definitely a hole-in-the-corner aspect of this business. Nehru and Patel had obviously between themselves decided that it would be best not to scare Gandhiji away before the deed was definitely resolved upon. Keeping turned towards Messrs Nehru and Patel, Gandhiji made his second point. He wanted the Congress party to honour the commitments made by its leaders. He would, therefore, ask the Congress to accept the principle of Partition. After accepting the principle, the Congress should make a declaration concerning its execution. It should ask the British government and the Viceroy to step aside, once the Congress and the Muslim League had signified their acceptance of Partition. The partitioning of the country should be carried out jointly by the Congress party and the Muslim League, without the intervention of a third party. This was, I thought so at that time and still do, a grand tactical stroke. Much has been said about the saint having simultaneously been a tactician, but this fine and cunning proposal has, to my knowledge, not so far been put on record.......there was no need for anyone else to oppose the proposal. It was not considered. I am writing this to put the record straight”.

Gandhiji’s anguish at the Partition of the country was so unbearable that he refused to be in Delhi on August 15. What nobility that the greatest fighter for India’s freedom refused to share this glory and left Delhi to fight against the communal carnage taking place at Calcutta and to give the assurance of safety to the minorities.

I accept the fact that the conditions in the country had deteriorated to such a level that it was not possible to prevent the Partition. Yet, we have not given sufficient thought to the fact that millions of deaths, most immeasurable destruction in the process of Partition could have been averted if the leaders of the parties had shown statesmanship in carrying out the process of partitioning the country. It is well-known that Prime Minister Clement Attlee had given June, 1948 as the date by which the British government would leave India, when Lord Mountbatten was sent to India in March, 1947.

Had this schedule been observed, requisite and detailed arrangements for the safety of millions of people, on both sides, could have been made. Undoubtedly, slaughter and mutual hatred would have been there but both the governments could have made safe arrangements for exchange of populations. The government machinery could have been mobilised. But this did not happen. The reason was the unilateral announcement by Lord Mountbatten on June 1947, that India’s Independence Day would be on August 15, 1947. This left no time to make arrangements for an unprecedented, massive exodus.

One knows now why this sudden announcement was made at a press conference, fixing August 15, 1947 as Independence. The reason was the vanity and self-glorification of Mountbatten. He had accepted the surrender of the Japanese navy on August 1945, as the Supreme Allied Commander, South-East Asia Command (SEAC), of Allied powers.

Our politicians were, unfortunately, too self-obsessed with ignorance and vanity. As a consequence, they maintained an ominous silence, resulting in the death of millions and the destruction of massive property. Can history forgive them? I doubt very much.

The writer is a retired Chief Justice of the Delhi High Court

बीजेपी सरकार का आम बजट शिक्षा के निजीकरण की तरफ धकेल देने वाला बजट है

सोशलिस्ट युवजन सभा भारत सरकार के बजट को कार्पोरेट शक्तियों को और मजबूत बनाने वाला बजट मानती है। ये बजट युवाओं से रोजगार का अवसर छीनने वाला और देश की अर्थव्यवस्था की रफ्तार मंद करनेवाला बजट है।


भारत सरकार के लेबर ब्यूरो के एक सर्वे के मुताबिक देश के युवाओं के लिए रोजगार हासिल करना मुश्किल होता जा रहा है। वित्तीय वर्ष 2015-16 में 18-29 साल के जो लोग नौकरी की तलाश में थे, उनमें से सिर्फ 13.2% ही सफल हो पाए। विमुद्रीकरण के फैसले के बाद बड़े पैमाने पर लोगों की नौकरियां गईं। ऐसे में बजट से उम्मीद थी कि रोजगार के नए अवसर सामने आएंगे। लेकिन युवाओं के लिए बजट में रोजगार पैदा करने वाली कोई भी बड़ी घोषणा नहीं की गई ।

बजट में रिटेल में एफडीआई में और तेजी लाने की बात कही गई है, निश्चित तौर पर ये फैसला छोटे उद्योग धंधों पर बुरा असर डालनेवाला साबित होगा। ऐसे में सरकार की तरफ रोजगारोन्मुखी बजट के लिए टकटकी लगाए युवाओं को निराशा हाथ लगी है । 

देश में खेती छोड़ने वाले लोगों की संख्या बढ़ रही है, लेकिन उन्हें दूसरी जगह अच्छी नौकरी नहीं मिल रही. सर्विस सेक्टर में उतने नए रोजगार पैदा नहीं हो रहे, जिसकी देश को जरूरत है। ऐसे में एक बड़ी आबादी को बजट से निराशा ही हाथ लगी है। 

सरकार ने बजट में उच्च शिक्षा क्षेत्र में सीटें बढ़ाने की बात तो की है, लेकिन नए शिक्षण संस्थान खोलने का कोई जिक्र नहीं है। ऐसे में ये वादा गुणवत्तापूर्ण शिक्षा देने के लिए कोरा साबित होगा। सोशलिस्ट युवजन सभा का मानना है कि देश में और गुणवत्तापूर्ण उच्च शिक्षा संस्थान खोलने की दरकार है। जिस तरफ आम बजट में ध्यान नहीं दिया गया है.

सरकार ने बजट में ऑनलाइन एजुकेशन और डिजिटल एजुकेशन पर जोर दिया है। लेकिन इसके लिए ना तो विधिवत घोषणा की गई है। और ना ही पर्याप्त बजट का ही आवंटन किया गया है। ऐसे में शिक्षा के लिए की गई ये घोषणाएं भी कोरा ही साबित हो सकती है।

सोशलिस्ट युवजन सभा का मानना है, कि बीजेपी सरकार का आम बजट शिक्षा के निजीकरण की तरफ धकेल देने वाला बजट साबित हो सकता है। 

नीरज कुमार
सोशलिस्ट युवजन सभा

Present Budget is another exercise in direction of neo-liberal economy Socialist Party’s preliminary statement on Budget

Press Release
Present Budget is another exercise in direction of neo-liberal economy
Socialist Party’s preliminary statement on Budget

The PM and many leading intellectuals have praised the budget as a pro-growth budget, a pro-poor budget and a pro-farmer budget. The reality is exactly the opposite of all these epithets.
While total budget outlay has increased over the figure for 2016-17 BE by 8.5%, in reality, as compared to the GDP, it has fallen from 13.13% to 12.74%. This is an indication that the government is curbing its budget spending.
This year, the Finance Minister, in order to deflect criticism as regards the concessions being given to the country's richierich in the form of deductions / exemptions given on corporate taxes, customs and excise duties, has changed the methodology for calculating these deductions, and has therefore drastically brought down the custom and excise duties exemptions. Even with the new methodology, the figures show that the exemptions are higher than that of the previous year, and have gone up from Rs 2.25 lakh crore to Rs 2.38 lakh crore, a rise of 5.8%.
The earlier methodology was being followed for the last 11 years. Calculating these exemptions given to the rich based on the earlier methodology, these  exemptions (excluding the exemptions given in personal income taxes, which are more oriented towards the middle classes) work out to: 83,492 (corporate taxes) + 250,642 (customs duties) + 224,940 (excise duties) = 559,074 or Rs 5.59 lakh crore. (In making these calculations, the customs duties exemptions has been calculated as below: The Statement of Revenue Impact of Tax Incentives under the Central Tax System: Financial Years 2015-16 and 2016-17 in the budget documents gives the the total estimated customs revenue impact of tax incentives for 2016-17 as Rs. 307,707 crore by the old methodology, and from this the revenue impact of input tax neutralization schemes is deducted, which stands at Rs 57,065 crore, to give the customs duties exemption by old methodology of Rs 250,642 crore. Similarly, the excise duties exemptions are calculated in the following way. The statistics given in section no. 2.8 and 2.9 in the Statement of Revenue Impact of Tax Incentives under the Central Tax System show that the revenue impact of tax incentives on the Central Excise side for 2016-17 (estimated) is the same as that for 2015-16 (actuals). Therefore, to estimate the excise duty concessions for 2016-17 by old methodology, we have assumed that they have remained the same as the 2015-16 budget estimate made in the budget statement of 2015-16, that is, Rs 224,940 crorethis is actually an underestimate, as normally the excise duty concessions have been increasing every year by at least 10% over the previous year's estimates.)
The total concessions to the richie rich for 2016-17 are the highest ever, even more than the record level of Rs 5.51 lakh crore for 2015-16.
Another important subsidy to big corporates is in construction of roads and highways, for which the total allocation has gone up from Rs 58,000 crore in 2016-17 BE to Rs 64,900 crore in 2017-18 BE. Obviously, a major portion of this is going to be transfers to corporate houses in the form of PPPwhich is nothing but a transfer of public resources to the private sector.
And on the other hand, while the media has praised the budget as a pro-poor budget, the figures speak for themselves: While in absolute terms, there has been some increase in the total social sector spending of the government, which is only to be expected if inflation is to be accounted for, the total social sector expenditure of the government (Rs 492,635 crore) as a percentage of the GDP is only a low 2.92%. It is definitely not such a large sum for the budget to be called a pro-poor budget. And it continues to be below the level of 3.23% that was budgeted by the Finance Minister in his first budget of 2014-15, and is also below the level of 3.43% that was estimated in the budget of the UPA Government in 2010-11. In this context, it needs to be recalled that the total social sector spending of the governments at the Centre and States combined is a mere 7% of the GDP, which is far lower than not only the developed countries (30% and more) but also other emerging market economies like the Latin American countries who spend as much as 18% of their GDP on the social sectors.
Coming to the total spending on agriculture (including Ministry of Agriculture and Farmer’s Welfare, Ministry of Rural Development and Ministry of Water Resources), while this too has seen some increase in absolute terms in this year’s budget, in actual terms, it continues to languish at 0.98% of the GDP – even below the level of 1.07% of the GDP reached during Jaitley's first budget of 2014-15. And this for a sector, on which more than 50% of the population depend on for their livelihoods. It is not that the government does not have funds, it is a question of priorities. The total spending on all agriculture-related sectors is just Rs 1.65 lakh crore, which is just 30% of the total tax concessions and exemptions given to the rich this year! So much so for it being a pro-farmer budget!

Neeraj Jain
Member, National Executive
Mob. : 0942222o311

Republic Day, Sovereignty and the Youth

Republic Day, Sovereignty and the Youth

Prem Singh

          The Constitution of India was adopted on 26th Jan 1950 and we entered the world stage as a sovereign republic. Ever since 26 January is celebrated as the Republic Day, a celebration of our sovereignty. Vibrant tableaus of various states and departments are part of the parade. But predominantly it is a celebration of the display of military prowess. On careful observation you will find that after the adoption of the new economic policies in 1991—that is after the ruling classes compromised the economic sovereignty of the nation—the celebration of Republic Day has become more and more extravagant. During the past three decades, as political sovereignty got compromised along with economic sovereignty, the celebratory extravaganza of Republic Day on Rajpath reached its zenith.
          The question is whether our sovereignty has also come of age with the coming of age of these exhibitionist celebrations? A quick look at the decisions taken in the wake of the neoliberal order makes it clear that the ruling classes have derailed governments from the axis of the Constitution, which embodies our sovereignty; and instead mounted them on the axis of neoliberalist institutions of global capital order like the World Bank, International Monetary Fund, World Trade Organisation etc. These agreements and decisions have been taken at the behest of global capitalist economic institutions to further the interests of national and international corporate houses, multinational companies and the likes. The current leadership which claims that nothing has been done in the last 70 years, has shown remarkable promptness in in compormising national sovereignty in just two and a half years of office. They have no concept of either freedom or of the sacrifices made by people in the struggle to achieve freedom for the country, hence they do not care if sovereignty is lost. This is also the problem with Narasimha Rao (the then prime minister), Manmohan Singh and Sonia Gandhi. Which is why they turned the party that won the country’s freedom into the party which pawned its freedom.
          The ruling class presents military power as the symbol of the nation’s sovereign power. But it is a false reassurance given that now there is  100% foreign direct investment in Defense, and the concessions have been given to America to interfere in our defence apparatus. Governments, especially the current government, whips up nationalistic hysteria to mislead the people, so that they are unable to see or comprehend the treason against constitutional sovereignty. the nationalist sentiment is ususlly whipped up against Pakistan, the country the Indian army has always had the wherewithall to defeat. Several thousand square kms of Indian territory is under Chinese control. The ruling classes never invokes nationalism for a military solution to that. All in all, the spectacle parade at the Republic Day has become a comprehensive exercise by the ruling classes, its civil society and the common masses to fill the void resulting from the loss of sovereignty. The more the neoliberal noose tightens around sovereignty, the more extravagant will be this display. Jingoistic nationalism will get more jingoistic.
          This situation is tremendously knotted and depressing. But it also presents an opportunity to salvage and strengthen the sovereignty achieved after a long struggle. Especially to the young. The youth in India do not come from any one domain. There are distinct economic, social and educational domains. Across all these three domains, there is a huge army of educated, semi-educated and uneducated unemployed youth. The youth have different perspectives regarding the nation and their place in it. They don’t necessarily even have the same point of view about the neoliberal assault on national sovereignty. Most though, want to see India as a superpower. Some indeed believe that it already is one.
          The youth must understand that a nation which cedes its svereignty can never become a superpower. They can attempt the difficult visualization that in the neoliberal order, private enterprizes will also have their tableaus in the Republic Day parade in future. The 100% foreign/ private investment in Defense will also have an imprint on the parade. They must think if it is acceptable to them? Will they want a share in the neo-imperialist/neoliberal nation? Or will they carry out their responsibilities in the sovereign Indian nation? The nation’s sovereignty can only be saved if the nation’s youth resolve to save it with new preparedness and understanding.

गणतंत्र दिवस, संप्रभुता और युवा

गणतंत्र दिवस, संप्रभुता और युवा

प्रेम सिंह

                26 जनवरी 1950 को भारत का संविधान लागू होता है और हम दुनिया के मंच पर एक संप्रभु गणतंत्र के रूप में प्रवेश करते हैं। तब से हर 26 जनवरी को गणतंत्र दिवस मनाया जाता है, जो हमारी संप्रभुता का उत्सव है। गणतंत्र दिवस पर राज्‍यों एवं विभागों की रंगारंग झंकियां निकाली जाती हैं। लेकिन वह मुख्यतः देश की सैन्य शक्ति के प्रदर्शन का उत्सव होता है। गौर करें तो पाएंगे कि 1991 में नई आर्थिक नीतियां लागू होने - यानी शासक वर्ग द्वारा देश की आर्थिक संप्रभुता के साथ समझौता करने - के बाद से गणतंत्र दिवस का उत्सव ज्यादा से ज्यादा प्रदर्शनकारी होता गया है। पिछले करीब तीन दशकों में जैसे-जैसे आर्थिक संप्रभुता के साथ राजनीतिक संप्रभुता पर भी समझौता होता गया, राजपथ पर गणतंत्र दिवस का उत्‍सव प्रदर्शन की पराकाष्‍ठा पर पहुंचता गया।
                       सवाल है कि गणतंत्र दिवस पर प्रदर्शनकारिता के परवान चढ़ने के साथ क्या हमारी संप्रभुता भी परवान चढ़ी है? नवउदारवाद के दौर में किए गए समझौतों और फैसलों पर सरसरी तौर पर नजर डालने से ही पता चल जाता है कि शासक वर्ग ने सरकारों को संविधान, जिसमें हमारी संप्रभुता निहित है, की धुरी से उतार कर नवउदारवाद की पुरोधा वैश्विक पूंजीवादी आर्थिक संस्थाओं - विश्‍व बैंक, अंतरराष्‍ट्रीय मुद्रा कोष, विश्‍व व्यापार संगठन आदि - की धुरी पर बिठा दिया है। ये समझौते और फैसले वैश्विक पूंजीवादी आर्थिक संस्थाओं के आदेशों के मातहत देशी-विदेशी कारपोरेट घरानों, बहुराष्‍ट्रीय कंपनियों के हितों के लिए किए गए हैं। पिछले 70 सालों में देश में कुछ भी नहीं होने की बात करने वाले मौजूदा नेतृत्व ने अढ़ाई साल में देश की संप्रभुता को गिरवीं रखने की दिशा में पिछले नेतृत्व से ज्यादा तेजी दिखाई है। आजादी और उसे हासिल करने की कुर्बानियों का मूल्य नहीं समझने के चलते संप्रभुता खोने की बात उन्हें नहीं सालती। नरसिम्हा राव, मनमोहन सिंह और सोनिया गांधी के साथ भी यही समस्या थी। तभी उन्होंने आजादी के संघर्ष की पार्टी को आजादी गिरवीं रखने वाली पार्टी में तब्दील कर दिया।
                शासक वर्ग सेना की मजबूती को संप्रभुता की मजबूती के रूप में पेश करता है। लेकिन रक्षा-क्षेत्र में सौ प्रतिशत विदेशी निवेश की छूट और अमेरिका को दी गई सुरक्षातंत्र में घुसपैठ की छूट के चलते यह तसल्ली झूठी है। सरकारें, खास कर मौजूदा सरकार, राष्‍ट्रभक्ति का उन्माद पैदा करके देश की जनता को भ्रमित करती हैं कि वह सरकार के संवैधानिक संप्रभुता के प्रति द्रोह को नहीं देख-समझ पाए। राष्‍ट्रभक्ति का उन्माद केवल पाकिस्तान के खिलाफ पैदा किया जाता है, जिसे परास्त करने की क्षमता भारतीय सेना में हमेशा रही है। भारत का कई हजार वर्ग किलोमीटर क्षेत्र चीन के कब्जे में है। शासक वर्ग उसके सैन्य समाधान के लिए राष्‍ट्रभक्ति का उन्माद पैदा नहीं करता। कुल मिला कर गणतंत्र दिवस की परेड सम्मिलित रूप से शासक वर्ग, उसका हिस्सा नागरिक समाज और साधरण जनता के लिए संप्रभुता खोने से पैदा होने वाले खोखलेपन को भरने की कवायद बन जाती है। संप्रभुता पर नवसाम्राज्यवादी शिकंजा जितना कसता जाएगा, यह कवायद भी अधिकाधिक बढ़ती जाएगी। उग्र राष्‍ट्रवाद उग्रतर होता जाएगा।
                यह स्थिति बेहद उलझी और निराश करने वाली है। लेकिन लंबे संघर्ष से हासिल की गई संप्रभुता को बचाने और मजबूत बनाने की बड़ी चुनौती भी पेश करती है। खास कर देश के युवाओं के सामने। भारत में युवाओं का कोई एक धरातल नहीं है। सामाजिक, आर्थिक एवं शैक्षिक स्‍तर पर कई धरातल हैं। इन सबके अपने-अपने सपने और संकल्‍प हैं। इन तीनों धरातलों पर शिक्षित, अर्द्धशिक्षित और अशिक्षित बेरोजगार युवाओं की एक विशाल फौज है। युवाओं का राष्‍ट्र को लेकर और राष्‍ट्र में अपनी हिस्‍सेदारी को लेकर अलग-अलग नजरिया है। राष्‍ट्रीय संप्रभुता पर नवसाम्राज्‍यवादी हमले को लेकर भी युवाओं का नजरिया एक जैसा नहीं है। हालांकि उनमें ज्‍यादातर भारत को महाशक्ति देखना चाहते हैं। बल्कि कुछ तो  मानते हैं कि भारत महाशक्ति बन चुका है।
       युवाओं को समझना होगा कि संप्रभुता खोने वाला देश कभी महाशक्ति नहीं हो सकता। वे यह कठिन कल्‍पना कर सकते हैं कि नवउदारीकरण के तहत तेजी से किए जा रहे निजीकरण के चलते भविष्‍य में गणतंत्र दिवस की झांकियों में निजी क्षेत्र की झांकियां शामिल हो सकती हैं। सौ प्रतिशत विदेशी/निजी निवेश सेना की परेड में भी अपनी झलक दिखा सकता है। उसे सोचना है कि क्‍या उसे यह सब मंजूर होगा? क्‍या वह नवसाम्राज्‍यवाद के तहत बन रहे नवउदारवादी राष्‍ट्र में हिस्‍सेदारी करेगा, या संप्रभु भारतीय राष्‍ट्र में जिम्‍मेदारी निभाएगा? देश के जागरूक युवा नई तैयारी और समझदारी से संप्रभुता बचाने की भूमिका तय करेंगे, तभी वह बचेगी।   

Report of seminar on ‘Ten Years of Sachar Committee Report : A Review’ Resolution demands de-reservation of Muslim majority seats and creation of an Equal Opportunity Commission

Report of seminar on ‘Ten Years of Sachar Committee Report : A Review’
Resolution demands de-reservation of Muslim majority seats and creation of an Equal Opportunity Commission
On the completion of 10 years of the Justice Sachar Committee Report, Socialist Yuvjan Sabha (SYS), PUCL and Khudai Khidmatgar organized a national seminar in New Delhi on the 22nd of December 2016. The purpose of the seminar was to find out how much work had been done according to the committee’s recommendation. The president of the Socialist Party, Dr Prem Singh introduced the idea of the seminar saying that this would be the first in a series. In this first seminar on the subject scholars and representatives of Muslim organizations have been called as speakers. Representatives of various political parties would also be called later. So that they are able to tell what extent the recommendations have been implemented by their governments at the level of the states and centre.     
          Addressing the inaugural session, veteran journalist Kuldip Nayar referring to the report said that this report had done the job of unveiling the truth. Muslims should get their rights. Today the condition of Muslims has gone from bad to worse. They are not being treated well. Earlier politics was not linked to religion. But today religion dominates politics. As per the constitution, all citizens are equal. We all need to look into our hearts to see what kind of society we really want. The Sachar Committee report is as relevant today as it ever was.  
          Prof. T. K. Oommen, who had been a member of the Sachar Committee, said that this report is a well known historic document. In this report, through the instance of the Muslim community, one gets a glimpse of the entire Indian society. A person needs not just food to live on, but also equality, security, recognition and respect. Today, even those in minority communities who have enough resources, are not accorded the respect they are entitled to as per the provisions of the Consitution. when we talk of security we must remember that violence is not merely physical, but also structural and symbolic. Muslims often have to face such sort of violence. For instance, calling them beef eaters is a living example of psychological and mental violence. A Muslim is regarded with suspicion. Though inequities are often seen in societies, but inequities resulting from being born in a   specific community must be seen as a serious problem.    
Mr. Syed Mahmood Zafar, who was appointed OSD by the government in Sachar Committee, in his power-point presentation told that Muslims in India are 14.2 percent, who are 73 percent of the total minorities. Article 46 has provisions for special care of weaker sections. According to Sachar Committee report, Muslim society is rather backward on social, economic and educatonal parameters, and their level has been falling since 2006. Only 10 percent of the Committee’s recomendation, have been implemented so far. A big factor in this is the bare minimum representation of Muslims in adminsitrative positions.
Maulana Mahmood Madni, general secretary of Jamiat Ulama-I-Hind,  said that there is an increasing trust deficit against Muslims in  society. They are socially isolated. Being a Muslim today has become a sign of terror. We must pay attention to the education of Muslim children and youth, so must the media and government.           
          The chair of the second session, Prof. Manoranjan Mohanty said that all dispossessed communities including minoroties must be systematically studied and worked with. If everyone continues to work separately, engaging piecemeal with issues at random, it will not lead to systematic, consolidated work. If one looks at newspapers, books and magazines, very little information is available on the social, economic and cultural conditions of Muslims. The rights of minority communities must be regarded carefully. Violence rises when the rights of minorities are threatened. When rights are assured, then through due representation, social change comes about.                  
      Dr. Salim Engineer, general secretary of Jamat E Islami Hind said that many recommendations came before the Sachar Committee report, but this is a different and special report, it is realistic, and work has been done at ground level. what is the reason that despite such a widely debated report, no change is happening in the real conditions of minorities. The reason is the duplicitousness and lack of commitment on the part of governments and political parties. In Indian jails, majority of inmates are of minority communities, out of which 85 % are Muslims. ‘Sabka Saath Sabka Vikas’ is an emotional cliche, reality is quite the opposite. the country is moving from democracy towards fascism. The identity of this nation is due to its diversity and multipicity, not due to Hindu naitonalism. 
          Senior journalist Qurban Ali said that this report has always been accused of Muslim appeasement. Madhu Limaye addressing a public meeting had asked, where is Muslim appeasement happening? Has it happened at social, economic, cultural and educational levels? If your mentality is discriminatory, you cannot do good work. This discrimination happens not only at the social but governmental level also. He reminded that the government circular of 1950, which said that Muslims should not be appointed to sensitive positions, has still not been changed.   
Former minister Manishankar Iyer said that the accusation of appeaement stems from a wrong mindset. When the Hindu personal law exists, then there ought to be no objection to Muslim personal law. Diversity is the identity of India. the motive behind uniform cilvil code is not equality of all, but destruction of the Muslim identity. He accepted that even the Congress governments did not do enough work on the Sachar Committee recomendations. however, these recommendations ought to be implemented.       
            Jamiat Ulama-I-Hind’s secretary, Hakimuddin Qasmi said that Muslims should take initiative and join everyone in the struggle for rights. They should reject the mentality of fear and pessimism. There are other communities in India too that are discriminated against. The discussion on Sachar Committee’s recomendations should continue. He said that people should not work with the feeling of revenge or of defeating anyone else. All deprived groups must come together to fight for the progress of their communities and the nation. 
          Giving the concluding remarks at the end of the seminar, Dr. Prem Singh said the Sachar Commitee report doesn’t merely give statistics, but also guiding principles of what constitutes a civilized society, and how India should conduct itself vis-a-vis the rest of the contemporary world. Very little work and too many promises have happened in response to this committee’s recomendations. We should have progressed towards an egalitarian, democratic and secular soceity, but the results are the opposite. Why is it that those who sided with the British during the feedom struggle have found acceptance not only within politics but also in society? The communalism which came with the British; which was limited to some pockets of cities, has now spread to small towns and villages, even to tribal areas as well. How did it so happen that despite all the institutions being in the hands of secular minded people such a lot of space is taken up by communal forces? We need to be self-critical too. By way of the new economic policies adopted in 1991, neo-imperialism was imposed on the country. The current conditions are a result of that. The opponents of RSS keep repeating its old agenda. Whereas it has a brand new agenda of destroying ideology through technology. When we work together with a fresh perspective on practical and ideological level, only then will we evolve an egalitarian, civil society. He put forward a resolution on behalf of the seminar which was unaimously accepted. The resolution calls for de-reservation of Muslim majority Vidhan Sabha seats and the constitution of an Equal Opportunity Commision. (Resolution attached)   
          The speakers were welcomed by Dr. Ashwani Kumar in the beginning of the seminar and Faisal Khan delivered the vote of thanks at the end. The first session was conducted by SYS national general secretary Bandana Pandey and the second session was conducted by Dr. Hiranya Himkar.

Niraj Kumar
Socialist Yuvjan Sabha (SYS)

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